7.       Red lines and self-censorship: Who is responsible? What are the methods followed in drawing them?

Red lines drawn by private stations include failing to criticise the Authority, failing to meet with Hamas leaders wanted by the Authority, failing to transmit scenes showing the burning of the American and Israeli flags and failing to cover the workers’ strikes. The drawing of these lines may take place before the transmission and pursuant to a communication made between officials in the Authority and the administration of the station, expressing their objection to the screening of a certain event or the discussion of a subject in a certain way.
 

The person who may make the contact by telephone or by coming personally to the station is normally a police spokesman, the preventive security or  any other member of the security service’s personnel. These normally follow orders from higher officials.  On some amusing occasions such personnel has  come to a station to hand down the order whilst  being on air: some ensuing discussions have  consequently been transmitted live to viewers.

Director and founder of Watan TV, Omar Nazzal, confirms that the security services have interfered in tv transmission in the past and that they continue to do so. He mentions an incident that occurred prior to the closure of the station: “This was before the third closure in September 1996, when a police officer told me whilst I was live on air that the decision to close down the station had been taken. All the viewers heard the conversation. At that same moment, the Director of the Police called me and started to curse the officer live on the air. These incidents occurred during the tunnel constructions [in Jerusalem]”. The station reopened - after a closure that had lasted three days - on the condition that no political communiqué be transmitted without the approval of a person from the “political and moral guidance” office who had to see and approve everything prior to transmission. In another incident, Sa’eb Nassar from the political and moral guidance office came and informed me (says Nazzal) not to transmit or cover anything concerning the PFLP’s anniversary. The PFLP anniversary is on the 11^th of December

Other measures taken against Watan TV:

-         The governor called and asked that no news concerning the teacher’s strike be mentioned. The strike ended at almost the same time so no confrontation occurred.

-         At the time when Mohey-eddin al-Sharif was assassinated, the security services called and asked that we “lower the tune” because we were transmitting some nationalistic songs.

      -         During the Iraqi crisis, during February – March 1998, the Ministry of Information asked us not to transmit films showing the burning of American and Israeli flags. Nor were we to transmit any declarations from Palestinian officials. We were only to cover things as they happened in Iraq!

The Ministry of Interior closed al-Rua’a (Shepherds) TV in Bethlehem on 17 May 1999 after they screened the script play “Natreen Faraj”. The Director of the station, Hamdi Farraj, received the order for closure, issued by the Head of the Preventive Security Service in the West Bank, which read: “Following the President’s instructions, al-Rua’a TV which transmits from Bethlehem, will be closed on the grounds that it has surpassed the limits of local TV stations…”  

                                      (See the order for closure attached)

George Hazboun, Director General of the Ministry of Interior for Social Relations in  the Bethlehem District, said that the Ministry is aware of the attempts that are made to stir up disputes between different religions and sects and explained that the closure of Al-Rua’a (Shepherds) TV came after employees of the Ministry had watched a recording of the play “Natreen Faraj” which ostensibly criticised Jesus Christ. On the other hand, Assistant Deputy Minister of Interior Zakaria Abdel-Rahim maintains that the Ministry has nothing to do with the closure of Shepherds TV. Representatives from various religious groups and churches and institutions from the Bethlehem area wrote to President Arafat requesting him to reopen the station, stressing that they had not demanded its closure. They also expressed their disagreement with the Authority’s explanation that Christians in the area requested the closure

On the 16 & 17 February 1998, eight television stations were closed by the Ministry of Information on the grounds that they had violated some of the rules and orders related to their work. The Head of Police, General Ghazi Al-Jabali, has issued an order to all police directorates ordering that all proprietors of television stations should sign a commitment confirming that “they would respect the national interest and that there should be no reporting on rallies, demonstrations or on any news that might affect stability and that there should be no screening of flag-burning”. He also stipulated that any stations not implementing this commitment would be closed down. (Al-Quds newspaper, 18 February 1998). Nevertheless, these stations were reopened on 18 May 1998.

On 16 February 1998, the Ministry of Information had already issued a decision ordering all private radio and television stations working within the Autonomous Palestinian Areas no to “transmit any news or comments made by Palestinian officials related to developments in the Iraqi crisis and only to cover international news without comment”.

From the annual report of the PHRMG

  8. Is there Israeli interference in the work of these stations?  
As a consequence of failing to accept the Palestinian share in the use of the air waves and frequencies, Israeli settlers also use these air waves and thus interfere with the work of the stations. Not only does this force stations to change frequency but it also prevents the Authority from issuing permits as it cannot decide on which frequency the station will run. 

There is also Israeli pressure on the PA to close down stations directly or indirectly opposing Israeli interests. As an example, the Head of the Israeli army in the West Bank, Brigadier Ishaq Eitan, had asked the leader of the Palestinian national forces in the West Bank, Haj Ismail Jabr, to close down the eight television stations in February 1998 on the grounds that they transmitted news and pictures of demonstrations and flag-burning during the Iraqi crisis. When these two men met in the coordination office in Bethlehem, Haj Ismail Jabr expressed understanding of the Israeli position.      Al-Quds newspaper, 18.2.1998

   Does the law regulate private stations?  
There is no law on the audio-visual media, but according to an administrative memorandum issued by the Minister of Information, the Palestinian press law of 1995 is considered to be a reference point for dealing with private stations. Legislation on this matter is not possible before an agreement has been reached regarding the Palestinian share in the airwaves and before such details have been registered with the International Telecommunications Association.

                                                PHRMG interview with al-Masri

The following are some of the problems that have arisen because of the absence of  such a law:

-         Permits issued for these stations are time bound (for a short period of time)

-         There has been interference by Ministries in each other’s work;

-         There has been interference by the security services in the work of these stations with the imposition of broad red lines depending exclusively on the mood of the security official in a given area; when such limits have been exceeded, the station has been closed down.

Why is there no private station in the Gaza Strip?

There is no private radio or television station in the Gaza Strip. It appears that he Authority is set on maintaining the official Palestine radio and television as the only functioning stations in the Strip. PHRMG therefore contacted Maher al-Masri in the Ministry of Information who refuted such an assertion. PHRMG also contacted one of the citizens who had applied for a permit to open a private television station in the Gaza Strip.

The PHRMG has learnt that a person from Gaza Strip applied in June 1999 to establish a private TV station in the Gaza Strip: in October 1999 he has still not received a response.

  Abuses committed against Palestinian journalists:

Abuse of Palestinian journalists for crossing the red line has varied in its nature and intensity. The 50 violations committed between 1994 and 1999 recorded by the PHRMG were of the following nature:

- Injury from gun shooting                                2% - Beatings                                                      12% - Breaking or confiscation of cameras               6% - Confiscation films or videos                            8% - Summoning, stopping or detaining                 68% - Raiding offices and confiscation of contents     6% - Closure of offices                                          12% - Signing commitments for the future                 12% - Confiscation of press and / or personal IDs      4% These abuses were not limited to one security service but were committed by several organs: the police, General Intelligence, National Security and Preventive Security. We would stress that two thirds of these violations took place in the Gaza Strip and that the police forces are responsible for a total of 38% of all abuses.

Parties responsible for abuse in percentage terms:

- The Police                              38% Gaza      4% WB
- General Intelligence Service     22% Gaza     4% WB
- Preventive Security Service     6% Gaza        8% WB
- National Security Service         2% Gaza       6% WB             

  Yearly breakdown of the 50 recorded violations in percentage terms:

1994                   6%
1995                  12%
1996                  30%
1997                  20%
1998                  24%
1999                   6%

There are no signs indicating an improvement in the situation. Abuses reached their highest level in 1996, fell in 1997, increased in 1998 and dropped a little for the first 9 months of 1999. Yet the question remains: are these figures indication enough or have past abuses led to increased self-censorship with a view to avoiding the Authority’s interference altogether?

Violations and Abuses committed by the Palestinian Security Services against journalists

22 May 1999

The criminal intelligence in Gaza arrested the writer of an article and the Chief Editor of al-Risala newspaper for publishing a report on the torture of a citizen in a Palestinian prison.

9 March 1999

A unit from General Intelligence broke into the house of journalist Fayed Abu-Shammala and confiscated videos, documents and press material. This was not the first time that Abu-Shammala has been abused: security guards at the entrance to the Presidential office had prevented him from entering to cover news in September of 1998 without providing reasons.

           PHRMG interview with Abu-Shammala

8 March 1999

Men from the General Intelligence shot at the press office of Abdel-Salam Abu-‘Askar, broke into it and attempted to smash one of its doors.

December 1998

Members of the Palestinian Police arrested eight journalists from the Gaza Strip, after they had covered a march organized by the Popular Front. During the march, American and Israeli flags were burnt in protest against the American-British aggression against the people of Iraq. The PA also closed television stations and local radio stations, claiming that the former had screened marches in which flags were burnt and that such screening would harm Palestinian national security. One the same day the PA closed down three press offices working for Reuters, Associated Press and the Cinema Production Centre. Journalists arrested for several hours reported that their cameras had been confiscated and that two of them had been beaten by the police. The following day, the offices were reopened. 

  December 1998

Members of National Security confiscated Ja’far Ishtayeh’s camera on the grounds that he had been filming a march in support of political prisoners in the Juneid detention center.

23 November 1998

During the signing of the Wye River Memorandum, police forces blocked the roads leading to the house of Sheikh Ahmad Yassin, the spiritual leader of Hamas. The police detained eleven journalists working for foreign agencies who were present at Sheikh Yassin’s house, because of their intention to record television interviews with him. They confiscated all cameras and films and told them that they required prior authorisation from Criminal Intelligence if they intended to conduct such interviews.

18 November 1998

The Political Security Department of the Palestinian Police in Gaza summoned Dr. Hamad, the Chief Editor of the weekly al-Risala (the Message). The paper reflects the point of view of al-Khalas (Salvation Party). The Police raised the matter of his paper’s publications, which it described as “hot” and warned him indirectly that he should take care to avoid such “hot” subjects.

13  September 1998

Saber Noureddin, a journalist who works as a correspondent for the “France Agency” in Gaza was summoned by the police and detained for ten hours. The day before he had been prevented from filming a rally organized by Hamas. After refusing to hand over his camera and the film,  both his personal and professional identification cards were confiscated by the police

 

29 August 1998

A group of policemen heavily beat the journalist Muneer Abu Rizeq, the editor of Al-Hayat Al-Jadida newspaper, using weapons, fists and feet. His tape recorder and glasses were also broken. The grounds for this action was his presence at the Military Court in Gaza attending the trial of the two brothers Mohammed and Majdi Ibrahim al-Khaledi.

25 August 1998   Members of the Preventive Security Service (PSS) beat a photographer from Al-Hayat Al-Jadida newspaper, Naser Naser, who was subsequently taken to hospital. The PSS confiscated his camera and broke a second one belonging to journalist Majed al-Arouri. The beating and confiscation took place because the two journalists had refused to stop filming a sit-in by human rights organizations outside the house of the martyr Imad Awadallah:  the Palestinian Security Services had surrounded his house and had prevented the Awadallah family from leaving it. It is worth mentioning that the police refused to record the complaint Naser Naser made against the PSS and told him that they would only do so if it were made against an unknown party.

20 July 1998

The journalist Ahmad Khalil al-Mashharawi, 27 years of age, was summoned by the Intelligence Service because of a photograph he had taken of the (suddenly) bald journalist Majdi al-Turk: the security service had shaven his head. The person who interrogated him asked him: “In whose interest was this photograph taken?”

14 May 1998

Members of the National Security heavily beat journalist Imad al-Ifranji, who works as a correspondent for al-Quds newspaper, whilst he was covering clashes between Palestinian youngsters and Israeli occupation forces near the Ghosh Qatif settlement in Gaza Strip.

5 May 1998

Two members of the General Intelligence Service arrested journalist Abbas al-Momani from a press office in the Tannous building in Ramallah. Without  presenting him with an official warrant or a detention order, they asked al-Momani to accompany them. On 10 May, al-Momani escaped from prison after having been tortured but was arrested again the same day. He was finally released on 14 May after committing himself verbally not to mention the incident to anyone.

9 April 1998

The Palestinian police’s criminal investigation unit arrested the following Reuters correspondents in Gaza: Taher Shreiteh, Nidal al-Mughrabi, Ahmad Jaddallah, Shams Shana’a and Soudah Abu-Seif. All five were asked to sign an undertaking not to work again and not to cause disputes and troubles. All five refused. Following the intervention of Zakaria al-Talmes, the Head of the Journalists Association in Gaza, on the morning of 10 April 998, it was agreed that the journalists would undertake to be careful and precise in their work and that when reporting news they would respect the Palestinian press law.

17 March 1998

Criminal Intelligence prevented journalist Abdel-Rahim al-Qusseini (AP) and his colleague Abdel-Rahman Khabeisseh (WTN) from filming a women’s sit-in in front of the Nablus Governance office, which had been organised in support of Palestinian prisoners in Israeli and Palestinian prisons.

17 March 1998

The Preventive Security Service in Gaza detained Dr. Ghazi Hamad at the “Tal al-Hawa” detention center, because of an article he had written in al-Istiqlal (Independence) newspaper about the relationship between the PA and Palestinian citizens. He was released on 27 April 1998 without having been brought to  trial. His release was not authorised by the Attorney General. Dr. Hamad, who was tortured during his arrest, said: “They read my articles on the relationship between the citizen and the security services and beat me heavily with wires”.

7 March 1998

Security Services arrested journalist Nawaf al-‘Amer (Nablus Press Office).

20 February 1998

Members of National Security arrested journalist Nasser Ishtayeh and his brother Ja’far, both of whom are reporters for two foreign agencies, on the grounds that they had filmed both a march in Balata camp in support of Iraq as well as the burning of Israeli and American flags. All the footage was confiscated. Both journalists were released after two hours following intervention by their agencies.

December 1997

Members of National Security beat the journalist Ja’far Ishtayeh and detained him for six hours on the grounds that he had filmed a march in support of Iraq. He was asked to sign a commitment not to film scenes depicting incitement to violence, nor the burning of flags.                          

PHRMG interview with Ja’far Ishtayeh  

On the same day, a police force broke into the Reuters office in Gaza and announced its closure for a period three months. The cause? The release of a film showing an interview with Adel Awadallah who is still accused by the Authority of taking part in the assassination of Mohey-eddin al-Sharif. The office was reopened on 15 April 1998.

26 October 1997

The journalist and human rights activist Khaled al-‘Amayreh was arrested by Preventive Security in Jericho after he had published a report in the weekly newspaper Sawt al-Haq wa al-Horiyeh (Voice of Rightfulness and Freedom) - published inside the green line - on the torture of Hamas detainees. He was released the following day after midnight.

30 May 1997

Members of Criminal Intelligence arrested the journalist Maher Farraj after ten at night and took him to police headquarters in Gaza. After one hour he was taken to the office of Colonel Talal Abu Zeid and was asked not to publish anything potentially provoking the PA. Colonel Zeid apportioned him with the responsibility for the publication of an article written by Dr. Ayoub Otman from al-Azhar University, entitled “On the Margin of the Report by the Monitoring Committee”, an article the Colonel considered as constituting incitement against the PA. He added that Mr. Farraj, as director of the newspaper, should not publish such an article. Farraj was detained until 4 am.

4 December 1996

The journalist Maher Farraj was summoned to the Intelligence Service in Gaza where he was asked by Colonel Mohammed al-Masri to present all reports to him before publication in al-Bilad (the Country) newspaper.

11 November 1996

A group of journalists were arrested and their films confiscated after they had covered a march organised by the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) following a military attack committed by the Popular Front near the village of Surda, Ramallah. The journalists lodged a complaint with President Arafat and were released. “We understood that the President reacted positively in the favor of the journalists” said Majed al-Arouri, one of the journalists.

9 September 1996

The journalist Maher Farraj was summoned to the Ministry of the Interior in Gaza by the Director of Public Affairs, Omar, who asked him not to publish anything on the al-‘Ahd (the Oath) political party, a party affected by internal disputes.

19 June 1996

The journalist Maher Farraj, 32 years of age and director of al-Bilad (the Country) office in Gaza, was summoned to the Preventive Security headquarters where he was questioned by captain Ibrahim Abu el-Sheikh about a report published in the newspaper entitled “A thousand Shekels is the price of a permit for lorries to Gaza” and asked him to give him the source of the story. Farraj was summoned on a daily basis for one week, ending on 27 June 1996. His ID was taken away for two days for answering back to insults made against him by Abu el-Sheikh. His card was returned after the intervention of the Journalists Association in Gaza.

14 May 1996

Three members from the General Intelligence Service broke into the Office of France Agency (AFP) in Gaza City and arrested the journalist Fayez Ibrahim Noureddin on the grounds that he had published a photograph of some youngsters pushing a donkey into the sea, with the phrase “ Specialised in Donkeys!” written below the photo. Mr. Noureddin took the photo, but it had not been him who had added the phrase. Yet it is clear that his arrest followed an accusation that he had added the commentary. During his arrest one of the three persons who arrested him tied his hands behind his back, whilst the other two covered his head with a bag and pushed him violently into their vehicle. They put him on the floor of the car, kicked him heavily with their boots and insulted him. This behaviour continued until they reached their headquarters (al-Saraya) where one of them took off his boot and beat Noureddin with it. He then grabbed him by his neck and told him to curse himself.

After beating him for half an hour, they placed him between the metal door of the cell and the wall and pushed him violently. They then pushed him into the cell, and ordered him to stand with his arms in the air for two hours. They then brought a book and a pen and asked him to write his autobiography. He was taken to an interrogation room where three officials questioned him about the photograph and the person who had forced him to take it. He was asked whether he worked for French Intelligence, but Fayez refused to answer any questions: he believed that it was the Ministry of Information or the Journalists Association who had the right to question him and not the General Intelligence. He was finally asked to sign a commitment, which he did, whilst also telling his interrogators that he would lodge a complaint against them. Their response? “If you say one word, we’ll punish you”. He was released at 9 pm. An official from the Preventive Security Service contacted Fayez on the same day the photograph was published and asked him to come to their premises. Fayez refused and said that if they wanted to see, they should obtain an official summons from the Attorney General.

30 March 1996

The Security Services abused and beat the following Nablus journalists with clubs: Abdel-Rahman Khabeiseh, Hussam al-Qadah (al-Nahar correspondent) and Abdel-Rahim al-Qusseini.

7 March 1996

The journalist Muhsen al-Ifranji, 29 years of age, was arrested by members of the General Intelligence Service at his house in Gaza at around 10 pm. He was questioned about essays and articles he had published in al-Quds newspaper and was asked to sign a commitment not to harm the PA’s interests. Al-Ifranji was badly treated during his detention. Whilst being taken to an interrogation room, his head was put in a bag and his hands were tied behind his back. He told the PHRMG: “For 7 days I was alone in a cell and was interrogated three times a day, mainly at night. I was threatened. I had never expected to be put in such a position. I wish they would allow us to do our duty without suffering such abuse”. Muhsen’s detention lasted for 21 days. He was not charged and was not presented before a judge. No legal action was taken and he was released on 28 March 1996 .

6 March 1996

Palestinian Security Services prevented journalists from filming a student march organised by Hamas in Nablus and broke into the house of journalist Hassan al-Titi (Reuters) in order to confiscate footage of the march.

27 February 1996

‘Ala Saftawi was arrested by a police force after midnight because of his editorial article that had appeared in the 16 February 1996 edition of al-Istiqlal (Independence) newspaper, entitled “Oath and Responsibility”. The article spoke about the deteriorating security situation. During the interrogation, the police claimed that the article disrespected the President’s personality. Saftawi told them: “I never meant to disrespect the President. All I wanted to do was discuss the deteriorating security situation and to warn people about it”. He was detained for three days.

24 February 1996

A member of the police beat the journalist Nasser Ishtayeh, insulted him and smashed his camera on the grounds that he had been filming the transfer of caravans into “Yousef’s tomb” in Nablus. This incident occurred during the disturbances triggered by the opening of the tunnel near the al-Aqsa Mosque. The policeman’s security unit claimed later that the policeman’s actions were justified because he had wanted to prevent Nasser Ishtayeh from entering a closed military area. Nasser told the PHRMG: “I discovered later that the site wasn’t a declared closed military area and that the decision to prevent me from filming was taken by the policeman himself. I therefore filed a complaint against him at the governing office and was told later that he had been detained for 48 hours”.

February 1996

A unit from “Intelligence, Police and Preventive Security” detained a journalist from Jenin for a period of six months without bringing charges or bringing him to trial. He was interrogated about his relations with Hamas and about his correspondence with Islamic newspapers. “They were tough, rude, used insulting language and made me stand in a specific way (shabeh) for more that three hours.            PHRMG interview February 1996

A unit from “Intelligence, Police and Preventive Security” detained a journalist from Jenin for a period of six months without bringing charges or bringing him to trial. He was interrogated about his relations with Hamas and about his correspondence with Islamic newspapers. “They were tough, rude, used insulting language and made me stand in a specific way (shabeh) for more that three hours.            PHRMG interview

8 October 1995

The journalist Mohammed Taher el-Nounou was summoned to General Intelligence offices (al-Saraya) by the official Ayman al-Kafarneh. Before responding to the summons, he passed by the Ministry of Information and told them of the matter. He subsequently went to al-Saraya and met al-Kafarneh who asked him firstly about his source of information regarding Hamas’ communiqué on the delegation mediating between the PA and Hamas and secondly about its content, which had maintained that the delegation did not really represent Hamas. The report in question had been published in al-Nahar newspaper and had given al-Nounou as the source in Gaza. After some rounds of questioning, al-Kafarneh asked two men to blind-fold his eyes and he was pushed into a cell where he remained for two days. Al-Nounou told the PHRMG: “They used to let us out three times every day only for the purposes of relieving ourselves”. On the morning of 10 October 1995, they questioned him again whilst he was still blind-folded and beat him. He was then taken back to his cell and then to the office of the ex-Attorney General Khaled al-Qidrah. The latter asked him “not to be a trouble-maker and not to attack the PA”. He was then released.

  August 1995

A gun was shot at the University Lecturer Dr. Abdel-Sattar Qassem after he had published an article in “al-Watan” (the Homeland) newspaper in which he criticised President Arafat and the PA. The article was entitled “Democracy in the Shadow of the President” and argued that the President did not accept individuals disagreeing with him or refusing to follow his orders.

The Security Services confiscated the weekly magazine of the “Fatah” movement al-Sahl al-Falastini (The Palestinian Plain) because its carrying of an article critical of the Palestinian police. They also arrested the author of the article, Zaki al-Kilani.

12 July 1995

Colonel Mohammed al-Masri from General Intelligence summoned journalist Imad al-Ifranji who worked for al-Quds Press agency. He interrogated al-Ifranji for five days about a report that he had published. During the interrogation his head was put in a bag and finally he was forced to sign a commitment that he would never disobey the PA. Failure to do so would lead to tough punishment. Colonel al-Masri threatened to speak with the director of the al-Quds Press agency as soon as the PA had moved into the West Bank. He added that the arrest of al-Ifranji was to be seen as a message to his agency. The agency should now be aware as to which type of reports to publish. Al-Masri also threatened Imad by telling him that he would personally be held responsible for any negative report published in Gaza.

14 May 1995

Palestinian police closed down the premises of al-Watan (the Homeland) newspaper, following a decision of the State Security Court. The newspaper was prevented from appearing and one day after his arrest, a decision was taken to imprison its Editor-in-Chief Sheikh Sayed Abu-Musameh for three years on the grounds that he had published articles of an inciteful nature against the PA. A judgment in absentia was also handed down against the Editor, Dr. Ghazi Hamad, condemning him to two years imprisonment. Both judgements were not executed and Sheikh Abu-Musameh was released after eight months following a deal between the PA and Hamas.       

PHRMG interview with Dr. Ghazi Hamad

February 1995

The following six employees from al-Istiqlal (the Independence) newspaper were arrested by Palestinian Intelligence: Editor-In-Chief ‘Ala Saftawi, ‘Atiyeh Abu Mansour, Khaled Sadeq, Zakaria al-Madhoun, Mohammed Fayyad and Nahed Kutkut. Saftawi was released after 23 days. The others remained in prison for three months.

October 1994

The General Intelligence Service in Gaza detained journalist Taher Shreiteh, who works as a reporter for Reuters, for six days, on the grounds that his agency had distributed a film on the kidnapping of the Israeli soldier Nahshon Vaxman. The Reuters correspondents in Gaza, Shams Odeh, Sawwah Abu-Seif and Ahmad Jadallah, were also arrested and released the same day.

April 1994

Members of Force 17 arrested the journalist Imad al-Ifranji, who at the time worked for the al-Quds Press agency, and searched his house from where they took two fax machines and a video. They interrogated him in al-Saraya for more than half an hour and took him to a military camp in Jabalya dealing with Presidential security, where they questioned him about his profession. He was taken back to al-Saraya after two days, where he stayed for a further two days. Imad told the PHRMG: “They released me after one am. I asked about the reason for my arrest but they would not say”.

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