November 1999: Media in Palestine Between the PNA's Hammer &.....

 

 

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The Palestinian Human Rights Monitor
The Bi-monthly publication of the PHRMG:

   
 

Television and Radio Stations:
caught between reality and ambitions to develop  
By Omar Nazzal, Director of Watan TV - Ramallah

Establishment and expansion

During the Israeli occupation of Palestinian cities since 1967, the Israeli Authorities released permits for a number of local television stations in cities north of the West Bank, after other Arab cities in the triangle had been given such permits. These other Arab cities had managed to develop television broadcasting, both in cities occupied in 1948 as well as in other Palestinian cities, on a large scale.

when the Israeli military redeployment from Palestinian land was executed, the Palestinian Ministry of Information supervised television broadcasts and paved the way for the establishment of a number of other stations in the West Bank by granting them authority to broadcast television and radio material under limited conditions. Insodoing, the number of these stations peaked at 40, although districts in Gaza were refused such a permit, despite the large number of applications made.

  Other Experiences

  As a result of the above development, the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) became the third Arab country (after Lebanon and Iraq) to permit the existence of private television and radio stations.

  In Lebanon, more than 50 television and radio stations - most of them belonging to factions and political figures and forces - were established as a result of the political chaos during the previous 20 years. Over the past two years, the Lebanese government has been seeking the reorganise the sector and has approved a law decreasing the number of operating stations and limiting the freedom of expression of those that remain.

  In Iraq, there is only one non-governmental station known as al-Shabab TV (Youth TV) that is run by Odai, the son of President Saddam Hussein.

Over the last few years, many private Arab satellite stations, operating from European capitals, have been established. In some sense, these stations belong to the Arab countries they represent.

  In the West, there is no such thing as a government-run media and a developed and effective private media exists in its place. Even though there is no such thing as a Ministry of Information in the US, federal law prohibits the government from owning the media or influencing it in any way.

  Differences between Palestinian Stations

  One cannot consider the various private stations in Palestine to be similar. Some differences are more significant than others. The most significant may be summarized as follows.

  1.     The media message

  Some stations set themselves clear goals as to the message they wish to convey. They achieve these goals via their private programmes and news coverage, including through programmes transmitted via Arab Satellite. Other stations do not seek to convey particular messages and only redirect programmes from Arab Satellite stations. The local programmes that these stations broadcast, are nothing more than games and personal dedications which lack creativity and meaning.

  2.     National and social orientation

  Related to the first point, some stations function in order to fulfill (or to contribute to the fulfilment of) national goals as well as to the building of Palestinian society by deepening outlooks and through the fostering of positive social relations (and the rejection of negative ones). In addition, these stations play a national role by exposing violations committed by Israel and by facing the Israeli media and its provocative campaigns. Other stations are completely absent, working intentionally or unintentionally for the deepening of social negativity and for a decrease in development.

  3.     The technical level

  Broadcast is in itself an easy and inexpensive method. Methods include the necessary means to transmit the sound and picture in a way that is straightforward for the viewer to grasp. The difference here only appears in terms of the geographical area desired by the broadcasting stations. All stations suffer from poor technical support. The technical equipment used is not adequate for effective television broadcasting. This situation is mainly related to the instability of these stations, an issue discussed later in this article. A number of these stations lack the most basic technical support, whether it be the instruments used for production and broadcast premises or the safety of the location.

  4.     Employees

  This is one of the most important and obvious points of weakness or strength. Employees in stations vary from the staff consisting of only the owner and his family members (including his children), through stations in which the level of education of its employees does not exceed high school-level, to those where employees are educated and qualified for technical and media work.

  5.     Commercial advertising and income

  Even in commercial advertising, there is a considerable difference between stations, whether these concern production, broadcasting, set prices or competition. There are rules and regulations regulating advertising stipulating that the length of a commercial should not exceed 60 seconds and providing that commercial advertising should not exceed 8 minutes per hour of broadcast. Commercials are also to be clear and original. There are other rules binding the party wanting to advertise and the party producing the advertisement. There are companies that specialise in commercial advertisement, whilst the role of television stations is only limited to the broadcasting of these advertisements. None of the stations follow this particular rule. In addition, some stations have obtained and still receive illegal funding in return for the production and broadcast of programmes in favour of the party providing the funds.

  Broadcasting wave-lengths

  Stations have faced and are still facing a serious problems, because of the lack of available waves that may be used free from interference by other waves. This problem is primarily related to the agreements made with Israel and with the agreement and coordination with the International Communication Unity (ICU).

  The Taba Agreements gave Palestinians the right to use six television wave-lengths whilst leaving the door open for the use of further wave-lengths. The six wave-lengths were used by Palestinian television. Yet there was still interference by Israel and other actors. To-date, the Palestinians have been unable to obtain more wave-lengths, despite the fact that there is a desperate need for additional transmission. The negotiating committee that in charge of communications has sought permission for additional broadcasting possibilities, but to no avail. This and other committees have faced a great deal of inertia on the part of the Israelis concerning the application of the agreement. This is compounded by interference with transmission frequencies by neighboring countries as well as by countries further afield. The ICU has failed to intervene with a view to solving this problem.

  A further complicating factor is the prohibition, imposed by the Ministries of Communication and Information, on the use of low frequency waves VL and VHL, whilst not prohibiting the use of UHF high frequency waves, which are already used in accordance with the ways described above.

  In conclusion, most stations function on inefficient wave-lengths. This situation decreases broadcast capacity and prevents stations reaching viewers further afield. In addition, wave-lengths are exposed to interference by Israeli: local stations were forced to change their wave length more than once, a situation justifiably irritating viewers.

  Incitement

  Incitement is a word that does not have one single meaning. Any individual could use this term in a way that suits their goals and interests. The following will point out the three major understandings of the word.

  1.     Incitement as a synonym for media activity

  There is no such thing as a media-outlet, whether it be governmental or private, that does not have a certain goal. Usually the media tends to rely on objective facts and uses its energy and capabilities to explain these facts in a manner that furthers its own goals. Regardless of the way in which the media seeks to bring out the truth or explain it, the consequence will always be a form of incitement in one way or another. Thus the term may be considered to be a synonym for media activity: the media cannot exist without being accused of inciting, even if this incitement is neither political nor national in character.

  2.     Incitement according to the Israeli understanding of the term

  In light of the first attempt at analysing the term, Israeli accusations that the Palestinian media engages in incitement should not come as a surprise. Both the Israeli and Palestinian media should not let themselves

be affected adversely by accusations of incitement:  there is already a constant dispute between these two parties.  How can we as Palestinians fail to report on the confiscation of Palestinian homes in Jerusalem by Israeli settlers? How can fail to call on those whose homes were confiscated to hold on to their rights and to remain in their homes? Such calls amount to incitement for Israel. Do we therefore desist from reporting?

  A problematic element to the reporting is that the Palestinian media tends to exaggerate an issue in order to respond to Israeli claims. In order to dismiss accusations of incitement, the Palestinian media-outlets turn to accusing each other. Some do so by using certain expressions or by discussing issues far removed from the interests of the Palestinian public. At is at this point that the Israeli media, which is more clear and precise when engaging in incitement, becomes the winner in the incitement war: and we end up trying to justify ourselves.

  3.     Incitement according to the PA’s understanding of the term

  In the eyes of the PA and of some security forces, incitement is regularly committed by private Palestinian television and radio stations. These stations have consequently become a target for the security services concerned. The closure of private stations and the taking of measures against these stations has become a matter of course whenever a sensitive incident occurs in the Palestinian Territories or even far afield, such as events in Iraq showed us. Even though the Palestinian Territories are open to all of the Arab, foreign and Israeli media, full coverage of any incident remains an unfulfilled goal. At times, the media criticizes the Palestinian Authority in order to fulfill self-interests. This situation tarnishes the reputation of the PNA, whilst the Palestinian press and journalists become victims and are accused of incitement. Despite the fact that television and radio stations are not operating on the basis of a new draft law prepared by the PLC, Palestinian journalists do operate according to the provisions of the Palestinian Press Law. This does not, however, provide sufficient protection for these journalists.

Development and Competition

The fact that there are twenty six television stations and seven radio stations is extraordinary. Due primarily to technical constraints, the airwaves of the Palestinian Territories cannot cater for such a large number of stations. Reasons for the excess in stations include society’s need for a multi-purpose media phenomena (mental, political, cultural and artistic aspects), has been made possible because of the state of disorder in the use of frequencies and the fact that the broadcast of these stations sometimes only covers a limited area, in some cases only a small neighbourhood in one city. The second issue is related to the first: since the audience in a certain region can only watch a limited number of stations, so people sense some kind of comparison between them, and thus choose their preferred station that provides satisfaction. This state of affairs will not continue for much longer, as these stations plan to expand their geographical coverage, thus making it possible for the viewer to benefit from a larger choice of stations. If this happens, the weaker stations lacking technical facilities will disappear and new investors will be encouraged to establish stations with bigger and better resources. Such open and free competition will lead to better quality and expanded choice, benefiting the interest of the viewer. If we consider the amount of investment needed for opening such stations, the limited income of our small economy and the unsettled labor market, it is easy to conclude that the number of stations will definitely decrease in the future.

Specialization

In such an atmosphere of competition, specialization, absent until now, will become the norm. The western experience has shown that having specialized stations (sport, economics, news and politics, childrens programmes, religion….) is successful. The viewer’s needs and interests will be more satisfied. Political parties may also have a role to play with stations dedicated to getting political messages across. This happened in Lebanon for a number of years.

Production and Protection of Ownership

In this process of development of these stations, the production of these TV stations, i.e. programs and news or even commercials, becomes a basic and vital matter. Production may develop to include Palestinian drama programmes, especially if more investment is forthcoming and if the state supports this field. It could, afterall, become on of the principle resources of national income, as has been the case in Syria. In addition, Palestinian production will become a necessity to encourage professional Palestinians in this scope to come back to their homeland once a law protecting ownership and rights in the audio visual field has been issued. This will be even more necessary if a pan-Arab agreement is reached in the region.

Clearly these ideas depend to a great extent on the fulfilment of the Palestinian national goal of independence. Once achieved, there will be no excuse for Palestinians continuing with their piracy actions (such as transmitting programs from satellite stations without considering the rights of other stations).

The necessity for increased local production both in quantity and quality  and the factor of competence discussed above, will encourage a number of stations - those with experience and facilities - to end their broadcasting and to refocus on production.

Merging and Coalition

Competition and the need for development will lead to a new reality which will force television stations to engage in close cooperation and eventually to merge and unite in the form of one strong station. Previous experiences tell us that this is possible: five stations distributed throughout different regions of the West Bank merged in October 1998 to form one station, the “Jerusalem TV network”. A similar initiative took place when “The Arab United Co.” was established. Both attempts failed, because subsequently circumstances changed too rapidly. Another example is the Israeli television station  Channel Two, which is owned by three different companies. These share broadcasting time and have achieved excellent success.

The Legal Situation

Another important issue is the legal position of these television stations and the prospect of having a law which organises their work and existence.

According to the 1995 Press Law, the Ministry of Information is the only party with power and jurisdiction over television stations. The Ministry has issued permits for the stations to function and it is still the party with control over the work and legal regulation of these stations. As for the role of the Ministry of Interior, it believes itself to be in competition with the Ministry for Information. The latter issues yearly permits to the stations, renewable when a station’s work has been “acceptable” according to the standards of the Ministry. A further condition is that the owner of a station must receive a “good conduct certificate” from the Ministry of Interior. On several occasions, the Ministry of Interior has used its security organs to close stations and to arrest their owners and directors.

The Ministry of Communications also believes that it must have a responsibility over the stations, since they use restricted frequencies. The Ministry, however, has little jurisdiction in this field as it faces the uncompromising Israeli position on broadcasting. Negotiations with Israel will solidify the Israeli position.

Taking all these complications into account, the Council of Ministers issued a decision on the 5 June 1997, confirming the right to freedom of expression of political ideas and that Palestinian air-space is open to all political affiliations. The decision also authorised the Minister of information, Yasser Abed Rabbo, to form a special committee to study the current position of television stations. The committee was formed of representatives from the concerned ministries, members of the television stations and some correspondents and technicians. Disagreements within the committee hampered progress. Subsequently, the Minister of Information issued a limited number of new temporary permits. This, however, did not protect the stations from interference by security organs.

Trade Union protection

In mid 1997 the Union of Radio and Television Stations in Palestine was founded. It included the majority of the up and running stations, and had two central aims: to protect the interests of the stations and to organise their work and their relationship with political officials. Although the Union failed to succeed in executing its suggested role, it created a sense of unity and cooperation between its members. This was reflected in the decision by stations from the north of the West Bank to go on strike following the closure of some stations in the District of Ramallah.

The Audio-Visual Project Law

This project was put forward by the Ministry of Information and was  based on the peculiarity of the Palestinian situation and on a similar law used in Lebanon. The Ministry also held some workshops and seminars to discuss this project and subsequently made some alterations. Yet it was to remain a draft project and was never presented to the Palestinian Legislative Council for discussion on the grounds that its conceptual basis presupposes that the Palestinian Authority has sovereignty over the Palestinian Territories. Until such a time and until this project receives approval by the Legislative Council, the work of television stations will continue to face obstacles and abuses based on unpredictable moods and interests within the Palestinian community.

Conclusion

Regardless of all the circumstances surrounding the establishment and the work of these stations, their very existence represents in itself an extraordinary experience in our Arab world.

It also reflects the uniqueness of the Palestinian situation and expresses Palestinian’s commitment to the principles of democracy and freedom of expression. We may therefore be confident that these stations will develop in the future and that some of them may even become satellites for the Arab world and for the world, in its unified bid for establishing a modern civilization, in general.


Mr. Maher Al-Masri
Director General
Ministry and Publications Dept.
Ministry of Information
Ramallah - Palestine

                                                                                                                    12th Sept. 1999

National Gteetings

                                        Subject: Our report on "Media in Palestine: Between the PNA's
                                                     Hammer and the Anvil of Self-Censorship|

The PHRMG is happy to present its above mentioned human rights report for the attention of the Ministry
of Information, for your comments and amendments, if applicable, to have an official response from the
Ministry to be attached to the report when it is published.

Many thanks from your cooperation.

Yours truly,

Bassem Eid
Director General
PHRMG

 

 

 
 

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