November 1999: Media in Palestine Between the PNA's Hammer &.....

 

 

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The Palestinian Human Rights Monitor
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B. Written Press

 1. General Background

 Prior to the 1967 Israeli Occupation of the Palestinian lands of the West Bank, Gaza Strip and East Jerusalem, the Palestinian press in Gaza was under Egyptian administration, whilst the press in the West Bank fell under Jordanian auspices. Three newspapers were published in Jerusalem: “Falastin”, “Al-Difa’a” (defense) and “Al-Jihad” (holy war). After the Israeli occupation in 1967, most of the Palestinian newspapers focused on the local situation and ended their affiliation with the Egyptian and Jordanian press. “Al-Quds” (Jerusalem) newspaper appeared at that time after both Al-Difa’a and Al-Jihad had merged. Other newspapers appeared every now and then but the occupying power used to close them because these papers crossed the red lines drawn for them.

 In addition to their own military orders, the occupying power made use of the British Emergency Regulations of 1945 in order to justify control over Palestinian newspapers. The Palestinian Authority ensured that these orders remained in force, flexible and unclear so as to avoid conferring any freedom of maneuver concerning the exercise of freedom of opinion.

 Article 88 of those military orders provides that “it is permitted to prevent the publication and distribution of any book or newspaper or other printed material if the censor considers the material to amount to incitement to violence and aggression; it is also forbidden to publish books that harm state security and public order in the state of Israel or in the area under Israeli military administration”.

 All newspapers used to be sent to the military censor which would delete material classified as “incitement” or as potentially “harm[ing] the security of the Israeli state”. Newspapers published in Jerusalem are still subject to such censorship. Military censorship would also prevent the use of vocabulary or expressions relating to Palestinians’ feelings or identity.

 Palestinian newspapers sometimes succeeded in publishing articles taken from the Hebrew press (which had been untouched by the censor) on  Israeli policy in the Occupied Territories.

 The Occupying Power used to confront journalists who did not commit themselves to the rigour of the censor’s red line: these were either arrested or deported, put under house arrest or prevented from travelling, beaten or even shot at with live ammunition. Detention of Palestinian journalists between January 1987 and August 1991 reached a total of 205. Newspapers and press offices failing to obey regulations were closed down. (Figures taken from “Palestinian Press under the Autonomous Authority” Qadaya Al-Umma Magazine, September 1997)

 After the coming of the Palestinian Authority those areas not transferred to its rule remained subject to the same Israeli regulations, whereas areas under the Palestinian Autonomous Authority would face the Palestinian censor  that generally acts after articles have been published. The punishment for those crossing the red lined varies from beatings to insults, from arrest to the confiscation of films or the closing down of press offices or newspapers. The ambit of these red lines is not written anywhere but every journalist knows their limits all too well. We shall return to them later in the report.

 2. Daily Newspapers

 Some newspapers were established before the coming of the PA. Some were daily, such as “Al-Quds” (Jerusalem),  “Al-Nahar” (Day-time), “Al-Sha’ab” (the People) and “Al-Fajr” (the Dawn), whilst others were weekly, such as “Al-Mithaq” (the Covenant) and “Al-Talee’ah” (the Forefront). Others opened and then closed principally for financial reasons. After the coming of the PA, three new daily newspapers appeared: “Al-Ayyam” (the Days), “Al-Hayat Al-Jadida” (the New Life), and “Al-Bilad” (the Country).

 Other weekly or bi-weekly newspapers also appeared, almost all of which belong to the political opposition. These include: “Al-Watan” (the Homeland) and “Al-Risala” (the Message) which belong to “Al-Khalas Al-Watani Al-Islami” (The National Islamic Salvation Party); “Al-Istiqlal” (the Independence) which belongs to the Islamic Jihad; and “Al-Masar” (the Path) which is a bi-weekly and belongs to the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine. “Al-Watan” was closed by the PA, but the other three are still working until present. What is obvious about these newspapers is that their political line widens according to the political position of the party they belong to.

 Turning to the major newspapers:

 Al-Quds (Jerusalem)

 Al-Quds is the most widely distributed newspaper, read by 61.3% of the readers in the West Bank and Gaza Strip (according to a poll organized by Jerusalem Media & Communications Center (JMCC) in August 1998). It was established in 1951 and was published under the name “Al-Jihad” until 1967 which is when it was joined by “Al-Difa’a” to give it its present name “Al-Quds”. Its owner and publisher is Mahmoud Abu-Zalaf. Its chief editor is his son, Waleed Abu-Zalaf.

 Prior to the Intifada (uprising), the newspaper followed the line of Jordan, but after the Intifada there was an agreement between the administration of the newspaper and the PLO that the newspaper would follow only a Palestinian line and that the PLO would, in turn, support it financially.

 After the coming of the PA, the placement of the censor’s red lines was no longer so clear: a dispute between the PA and al-Quds over the number of people attending one of the Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas) rallies occurred and resulted in General Ghazi al-Jabali, head of the Palestinian Police, blocking the distribution of al-Quds in the Gaza Strip for four days. Following this occurrence, a close relationship was forged between the administrative editor of al-Quds and Colonel Jibreel al-Rujoub, Head of the Preventive Security in the West Bank, which resulted in daily contact between the two parties with a view to agreeing firstly on what should appear on the front page of each edition and secondly on the content of articles criticising the Authority or one of its institutions.

Between 28.11.94 and 2.12.94 the Palestinian police halted the distribution of the following four newspapers: al-Quds, al-Nahar, al-Manar and the Jerusalem Post. On 29.11.94 al-Quds and AFP reported that General Ghazi al-Jabali was responsible for the delay in the distribution of these newspapers. al-Jabali claimed that the delay was due to the “bad weather”, sharply criticised the newspapers and threatened more measures against them. He actually said: “All those journalists are collaborators and the “bad weather conditions” may continue for another eight months” 

For the PA’s strategy to be executed perfectly and to avoid journalists wasting time, they are given instructions on how to write and edit articles and reports that are void of any critical analysis by the journalist himself. If a piece of news is deemed to be vital but criticizes the authority, it is published in an inconspicuous place within the paper and with a small heading. Thus the story in effect loses its importance. Moreover, when a piece mentions that a security organ has abused a citizen, the newspaper inevitably fails to give details of the name or age of the victim and fails to mention which security department has been responsible. If the matter involves criticism of high officials in the Authority, al-Quds does not publish anything on the matter until it has been dealt with by other papers. A journalist who works for al-Quds is on record as having said that “before publishing the report on corruption within the PA, I had to submit a draft copy of it: the newspaper did not publish it immediately. If it had done so, this would have constituted a precedent. After this episode, I stayed at home for a week not doing anything”.

At times the newspaper is asked to delay publication of a report dealing with an error committed by the PA until the latter straightens things out. After this has been done, the newspaper publishes a report both on the error as well as on its rectification. On other occasions a journalist from the paper is asked to conduct an interview with someone who is on good terms with the owner of the paper whilst the paper refuses to publish anything on individuals that are on bad terms with the owner.

Al-Ayyam (the Days)

This is the second most widely distributed newspaper, read by 19.2% of Palestinian readers (according to the 1998 JMCC poll). It was established in 1995 with a total capital of five million Jordanian Dinar. The first issue appeared on the 12 December 1995. Its chief editor is Akram Haniyeh, who is also the media advisor of President Arafat. Its readiness to challenge some of the red lines drawn by the Authority is to be explained by its chief editor’s close relations with President Arafat: this permits the newspaper to tackle more sensitive issues and - at times - to be critical of the PA.

Al-Hayat Al-Jadida (the New Life)

This is the third largest paper, read by 13.7% of readers (according to the 1998 JMCC poll). It was established in 1995 and adopted a pro PA line from the beginning. Its General Director is Nabeel Amro, an advisor to President Arafat. Its chief editor is Hafez Barghouti.

Most of the papers employees receive their salaries from the Ministry of Finance, which means that they are state employees. A decision was taken in December 1997 to transfer all 18 of the newspaper’s employees to the Public Employees Department of the PA. General Intelligence in Gaza, however, reversed this decision for the following employees:

-         Hasan Douhan, aged 24, employed by the newspaper for 3 years;

-         Mustafa Sheikh Eid, aged 29, employed by the computer department of the newspaper for 4 years;

-         Sameer Hamtou, aged 30, employed by the newspaper for 4 years

These journalists receive separate salaries, paid directly by the newspaper, and have neither employment contracts nor any kind of insurance benefit. The reason may well be that these three workers are affiliated to the Islamic block.

Al-Nahar (the Day-time)

This newspaper appeared in March 1986. Its publisher was Othman Al-Hallaq and its chief editor Issam Al-Anani. The paper closed on 1 January 1997 and was known for following the Jordanian line.

Its closure was caused by financial problems precipitated by PA pressure on the paper. At one point in 1994 it was closed for 40 days which resulted in the loss of both sponsors and readers who discontinued their support and turned to other newspapers. Some individuals also advised newsagents to not to display al-Nahar in conspicuous positions on their newsstands.

Al-Bilad (the Country)

Al-Bilad independent newspaper was published for the first time on a daily basis on 13 May 1995 by the Palestinian House for Art and Media Production. By the beginning of 1997 it had turned into a weekly because of financial problems and finally closed on 10 August 1998. Its publisher was As’ad Al-As’ad and its director Hani Arafat.

Al-Bilad did not receive any external financial support. In May of 1995 it boasted 60 journalists, which dwindled to 15 when it became a weekly in 1997. At its peak it distributed around 5000 copies.

Al-As’ad explained the line of his newspaper: “We want to have a paper which reflects both sides of the coin and which provides the reader with things that he won’t find on satellites!” He was summoned to the office of Jibreel al-Rujoub on 6 February 1996 and was questioned for 14 hours about why he had criticized President Arafat. “After this incident”, Al’As’ad says “I imposed self-censorship because I knew the contrary would upset the Authority”.

Its worth mentioning that the reason why al-As’ad was summoned on orders received from the President’s Office, was that he had published a report on President Arafat’s economics advisor, Khaled Salam, and on Salam’s secret contacts with Yosi Gunar, the ex-chairman of the “Shabak” (the Israeli intelligence service). 

Al-Watan (the Homeland)

This newspaper, affiliated to Hamas, was established on 28 April 1995 and closed down on 25 December 1995. Between those two dates it was closed down twice by the Palestinian security forces.

The first of these two closures took place in May 1995 for a period of two months and a half and was justified on the basis of a report that had been taken from the BBC which had reported that the name “Zahwa”, the name of President Arafat’s daughter, would appear in a commercial advertisement. The newspaper’s administration was not informed of this reason, though the President’s General Secretary, Tayeb Abdel-Rahim, mentioned this fact when he latter spoke with the newspaper’s officials.

The second of the closures took place on 5 August 1995 for a period of one month and was caused by the publication of an article that had criticized President Arafat.

On both occasions, the administration of the newspaper only became aware of the orders for closure on the morning of the actual closure: no warning was given. According to the chief editor of the newspaper Dr. Ghazi Hamad, “we would find a paper stamped by the police ordering the closure of the newspaper until further notice”. The newspaper was reopened twice after “mediators” intervened. The official channel - direct contact between the paper and the Attorney General or the Ministry of Information – was not used.

Al-Risala (the Message)

This is a weekly newspaper published by the National Islamic Salvation Party. It is headed by Ghazi Hamad,  first appeared on 1 January 1997 and was closed for the first time by the Palestinian police on 4 September 1997 for a period of three months on the grounds that an article written by Abdel-Sattar Qassem on Egyptian financial support to the PA had defamed President Mubarak. This article criticised the misuse of such funds to pay for congratulatory advertisements.

Members of the police and preventive security raided the premises of the newspaper, confiscated some materials and placed an order on the outside door prohibiting entry. This was accomplished without the knowledge of the Attorney General. The newspaper’s administration took the case to the High Court who ordered the reopening of the newspaper’s offices on 15 May 1998. In the event but the offices reopened on 4 December 1997, that is to say before the decision of the High Court.

On 27 April 1999 Dr. Hamad was summoned to police headquarters and was told that his newspaper would be closed until further notice. When he asked for reasons, Major Mahmoud Saqr replied: “I don’t know”. The Head of the Journalists Association in Gaza, Tawfiq Abu-khousa, intervened by contacting Tayeb Abdel-Rahim, General Secretary of the President. Dr. Hamad reports that, “Tawfiq Abu-Khousa and Major Mahmoud Saqr came to the offices of the newspaper and said that Tayeb Abdel-Rahim had decided to reopen the newspaper”. When Hamad again asked about the reasons for the closure, they pleaded ignorance.

And on 22 May 1999 Ghazi Hamad was summoned again, this time to criminal intelligence at police headquarters. He was asked about the report on Ayman al-Amssi who had been tortured by Palestinian police after being charged with the rape of a woman from inside the green line despite the fact that he had been pronounced innocent of the charge by an Israeli court and had been released. Dr. Hamad was kept until the following day. The chief editor, Salah Bardawil, and writer of the report, Wisam Afifiyeh, were detained for two days and were released following the intervention of the Journalists Association.

Al-Istiqlal (the Independence)

A political weekly affiliated with Islamic Jihad, this paper first appeared on 21 October 1994.

In February 1995 several members of the security forces raided the offices of the newspaper, confiscated material and arrested six employees for periods ranging from 23 days to 3 months. The newspaper was closed with sealing wax. “The next day”, says the chief editor Ala’a Saftawi, “they took me out of prison and back to the office where I saw the ex- Attorney General Khaled al-Qidra and the Mukhtar of the neighborhood. They took out 5000 shekels from one of my drawers (received from subscriptions and advertisements in the paper) and asked me from where I had received the money. Following a meeting with President Arafat,  they allowed us to reopen one and a half months later”. The administration of the newspaper was not informed about the reason for that closure, but the closure coincided with suicide bombings committed by the Islamic Jihad, in which one of the paper’s employees, the director Hani Abed, was killed.

The second closure clearly took place for political reasons. Tayeb Abdel-Rahim summoned Saftawi to his office on 10 July 1998 and informed him that the Authority had to close the newspaper because the political atmosphere could not allow it to continue and that this was the decision of the political leadership. Saftawi said: “They didn’t hand me a written order but I recognised that there was Israeli pressure demanding seven items. The 4th was the closure of the centre for incitement, Al-Istiqlal newspaper”.

Saftawi was summoned several times by the police concerning articles that the paper published. The first time was for few hours in mid February 1996 relating to a report on the killing of Ayman al-Raznieh and Imad al-A’raj in al-Shati (Beach) camp.

The second time was on 27 February 1996 when a (unidentified) police force took Saftawi from his house after midnight to police headquarters, where he was interrogated concerning the front page article published on 16 February 1996 under the title “oath and responsibility” which had the police claimed personally criticized President Arafat. Saftawi states that the police said: “How dare you speak like that about the President? In all the history of Arab democracies no one insulted a President!” Saftawi states that he responded in the following manner: “I didn’t mean to insult President Arafat because I respect his long past struggle. All I wanted to do was draw attention to the deteriorating security situation”. The police detained him for three days.

 

 

 
 

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